Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra ([1613 Cervantes Saavedra Miguel de [1613] 1986 Novelas ejemplares edited by Harry Sieber. 9th ed 2 vols Madrid: Cátedra [Google Scholar]] 1986, 1:52): ‘yo soy el primero que he novelado en lengua castellana.’ The terms novela and novelar refer not to the modern novel exemplified by Don Quijote but to the genre defined by the Italian novella, as Cervantes makes clear in adding, ‘for the many novellas that have been published in [Castilian] are all translated from foreign languages, and these are my own, neither copied nor stolen.’ This and all subsequent translations are my own unless otherwise noted. See Hegel ([1820 Hegel Georg Wilhelm Friedrich [1820] 1956 The philosophy of history translated by John Sibree. New York: Dover [Google Scholar]] 1956, especially 9), who speaks of the search for ‘the True,’ ‘the Eternal’ and ‘the absolutely powerful essence.’ Jerónimo de San José ([1651] 1957, 359) states, ‘it is more seemly that the historian not be present’ at events that he presumes to study, ‘because then, unencumbered by his own opinions and knowledge … his mind might be free and dispassionate in order to judge and learn the truth by examining the relations of other people, without the love and affect of his own relation to them.’ The detriments of passion are similarly of concern to Antonio de Solís, who in 1684 writes in regard to the Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España (c. 1580) of Bernal Díaz del Castillo, ‘It today passes for true history, making use of the very disarray and but slight adornment of its style to resemble truth; but although aided by the circumstance of having seen what he wrote, one finds from the work itself that the author’s vision was not free of passion, so that his pen might be well governed.' With this in mind, Solís subsequently proclaims that in his own work ‘we will make use of other reports and private papers, which we have collected, to go about forming our narrative with dispassionate discernment from the most trustworthy, intentionally not referring to what one should suppose’ (Historia de la conquista de Méjico … Solís [1684] 1979, 4–5). See Dryden ([1668 Dryden John [1668] 1964 A defence of an essay of dramatique poesie, being an answer to the preface of the Great Favourite, or the Duke of Lerma In Of dramatick poesie, an essay edited by James T. Boulton. Oxford: Oxford University Press [Google Scholar]] 1964, 135–36): ‘Moral Truth is the Mistress of the Poet as much as of the Philosopher: Poesie must resemble Natural Truth, but it must be Ethical. Indeed the Poet dresses Truth, and adorns Nature, but does not alter them … . Therefore that is not the best Poesie which resembles notions of things that are not, to things that are: though the fancy may be great and the words flowing, yet the Soul is but half satisfied when there is not Truth in the foundation.’ This teaching is glossed by Cicero in De oratore 2.15.62. This contention continues in subsequent pages, in which Sidney provides textual evidence to prove that poetry ‘excelleth history, not only in furnishing the mind with knowledge, but in setting it forward to that which deserveth to be called and accounted good: which setting forward, and moving to well‐doing, indeed setteth the laurel crown upon the poets as victorious, not only of the historian, but over the philosopher, howsoever in teaching it may be questionable. For suppose it be granted (that which I suppose with great reason may be denied) that the philosopher, in respect of his methodical proceeding, doth teach more perfectly than the poet, yet do I think that no man is so much philophilosophos as to compare the philosopher in moving with the poet. And that moving is of a higher degree than teaching, it may by this appear, that it is well nigh both the cause and effect of teaching. For who will be taught, if he be not moved with desire to be taught? And what so much good doth that teaching bring forth (I speak still of moral doctrine) as that it moveth one to do that which it doth teach? For, as Aristotle saith, it is not gnosis but praxis must be the fruit. And how praxis can be, without being moved to practise, it is no hard matter to consider’ (Sidney [c. 1580] 1992, 226). See the prologue of Jacques Amyot to his translation L'histoire Ethiopique d'Heliodore (1547 Amyot Jacques trans 1547 L'histoire Ethiopique d'Heliodore Paris: Arnoul l'Angelièr [Google Scholar]); Tasso ([1585 Tasso Torquato [1585] 1963–65 Apologia in difesa della Gerusalemme liberata In Opere edited by Bruno Maier 5 vols Milan: Rizzoli Editore [Google Scholar]] 1963–65, 5:655), who states that one may write like a poet (poetando), ‘not wishing to narrate particular items like an historian, but to formulate universals like a philosopher, since the truth of these is much more stable and much more certain;’ and Spenser ([1590 Spenser Edmund [1590] 1993 A letter of the authors In Edmund Spenser's poetry edited by Hugh Maclean and Anne Lake Prescott. 3rd ed. New York: W. W. Norton [Google Scholar]] 1993, 2)—‘To some I know this Methode will seeme displeasaunt, which had rather have good discipline delivered plainly in way of precepts, or sermoned at large, as they use, then thus clowdily enwrapped in Allegoricall devises. But such, me seeme, should be satisfide with the use of these dayes, seeing all things accounted by their showes, and nothing esteemed of, that is not delightfull and pleasing to commune sence. For this cause is Xenophon preferred before Plato, for that the one in the exquisite depth of his judgement, formed a Commune welth such as it should be, but the other in the person of Cyrus and the Persians fashioned a governement such as might best be: So much more profitable and gratious is doctrine by ensample, then by rule.’ See also Alvar Gómez de Castro, Pareçer çerca de prohibiçión de libros de poësia y otras (c. 1575–80), reproduced in Russell (1982 Russell, Peter, E. 1982. Secular literature and the censors: A sixteenth‐century document re‐examined. Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 59: 219–25. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). Thomas More (1965 More Thomas 1965 Utopia [1517] In The complete works of St. Thomas More edited by Edward Surtz and J. H. Hexter. New Haven: Yale University Press [Google Scholar], 48): ‘Nauigavit quidem non ut Palinurus, sed ut Vlysses: imo uelut Plato.’ This statement—which opposes the fictional hero Ulysses and the philosopher Plato to the historical figure Palinurus—is made in reaction to the comment that Hythlodaeus is by all appearances a ship's captain: ‘primo aspectu protinus sensi hominem esse nauclerum.’ I examine these developments in Boruchoff (2003 Boruchoff David, A 2003 Historiography with license: Isabel, the Catholic Monarch and the Kingdom of God In Isabel la Católica, Queen of Castile: Critical essays edited by David A. Boruchoff. New York: Palgrave Macmillan [Google Scholar], 225–94). Cartas de relación de Fernando Cortés sobre el descubrimiento y conquista de la Nueva España (Cortés 1852 Cortés Hernán 1852 Cartas de relación de Fernando Cortés sobre el descubrimiento y conquista de la Nueva España In Historiadores primitivos de Indias edited by Enrique de Vedia. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles 22. Madrid: Rivadeneyra [Google Scholar]). The term cartas de relación is adopted from the title given to the second letter by its original publisher, Jacob (or Jacobo) Cronberger, in 1522. Critics who privilege the documentary intent of these works curiously forget that the obligation to inform is itself a literary commonplace, as Ernst Robert Curtius (1973 Curtius Ernst Robert 1973 European literature and the Latin Middle Ages translated by Willard R. Trask. Princeton: Princeton University Press [Google Scholar], 87–88) has explained. This editorial intervention is evident in the description of the succor given by a native chief to Columbus after the loss of his flagship on 25 December 1492: ‘Everything was unloaded from the decks in a short time, so great was the resourcefulness and diligence of that king. He himself, with his brothers and relatives, acted diligently, both in [unloading] the ship, and in guarding what was put ashore, so that all might be well cared for. From time to time, he would send one of his relatives in tears to console the Admiral, saying that he should feel neither sorrow nor annoyance, for he would give him all that he had. The Admiral assures the king and queen that in no part of Castile might one take such good care of things, that not even a shoelace was missing. … “He and all the people were weeping; for they”—the Admiral says—“are a people of love, without greed and so amenable to anything that, I certify to your highnesses, I believe there is no better people nor a better land in all the world. They love their fellow men as they do themselves, and have a way of speaking that is among the sweetest in the world, gentle and always laughing. The men and women go about naked, as their mothers bore them, but your highnesses should know they have very good habits among themselves, and the king has a very marvelous estate, of so temperate manner that it is a pleasure to see it all …” All this the Admiral says in this way’ (Columbus [1552 ——— [1552] 1984 Diario del primer viaje In Textos y documentos completos edited by Consuelo Varela. 2nd ed. Madrid: Alianza [Google Scholar]] 1984, 98). The corresponding passage from Las Casas's Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias ([1552] 1984, 81) reveals the aftermath of this encounter and Las Casas's intent: ‘The first to stop in this land was the old Admiral who discovered the Indies … . He and all the Christians with him were met with so much humanity and charity, and were given so gentle and gracious a welcome and aid and provisionment (for it was there that the ship in which the Admiral was voyaging was lost) that in his own homeland, and by his own relatives, he could not be better received. This I know by the report and words of the Admiral himself. This native king died fleeing the slaughter and cruelty of the Christians, destroyed and deprived of his estate, lost in the mountains. All the other lords subject to him died in the tyranny and servitude to be told below.’ Columbus ([1503 Columbus Christopher [1503] 1984 Relación del cuarto viaje In Textos y documentos completos edited by Consuelo Varela. 2nd ed. Madrid: Alianza [Google Scholar]] 1984, 322–23): ‘The sea became high and ugly, and did not let them exit [the river where they had taken refuge]. The Indians were many and densely packed; they fought the boats and finally killed the men. My brother and all the others were in one of the ships that remained within the river, and I was all alone on such a wild shore with strong fever; amid such hardship the hope of escape was dead. Thus suffering, I climbed to the highest point of the ship, calling out in a fearful voice, crying very urgently in all directions to the warlords of Your Highnesses for help, but they never answered me. Tired, I fell asleep moaning. I heard a very merciful voice saying: “Oh foolish man, slow to believe and serve your God, the God of all, what more did He do for Moses or for David, his servant? Since you were born, he always took you greatly in hand. When he saw that you were of suitable age, he marvelously made your name ring on earth. The Indies, such a rich part of the world, he gave to you as your own; you apportioned them as you saw fit, and He gave you the power to do so. He gave you the keys to the bonds of the Ocean sea, which were fastened with such strong chains; you were obeyed in so many lands and received such honorable fame from Christians. What more did He do for your people of Israel when he brought them forth from Egypt, or for David, a shepherd whom he made king in Judea? Turn to Him and acknowledge your error: his mercy is infinite. Your old age will not impede anything great. He has many very vast estates. Abraham was over one‐hundred years old when he engendered Isaac, nor was Sara a young girl. You call for help. Uncertain, answer this: who has aggrieved you so much and so many times, God or the world? God respects the privileges and promises that he bestows; nor does he say, after receiving service, that his intent was not this and that he understands otherwise; nor does he impose martyrdom to enhance the force of his power. He is punctual: he delivers all that he promises in spades.” ’ Additional informationNotes on contributorsDavid A. Boruchoff Associate Professor of Hispanic Studies, McGill University, Montreal.These remarks were presented in the opening plenary session of the Early Ibero/Anglo Americanist Summit, held in Tucson, 16–19 May 2002. Associate Professor of Hispanic Studies, McGill University, Montreal.These remarks were presented in the opening plenary session of the Early Ibero/Anglo Americanist Summit, held in Tucson, 16–19 May 2002.